Albares and Sikorski advocate for enhanced cooperation so that progress doesn’t depend on “the consensus of the 27”

Eduardo González The foreign ministers of Spain and Poland, José Manuel Albares Bueno and Radosław Sikorski, have advocated for "enhanced cooperation"—the mechanism that allows a group of member states to advance on specific EU policies without requiring unanimity—so that progress in the economy, security, and democracy does not depend on "complete consensus among the 27 member states." “Can we Europeans reach an agreement? This is undoubtedly an existential question that we must answer today, especially those of us who bear the responsibility of leaving future generations a strong Europe, one that speaks with its own voice; a Europe that remains a peaceful and democratic project, in keeping with the legacy of its founding fathers, from Schuman to Willy Brandt; a Europe whose voice matters,” the two ministers wrote in a joint opinion piece published Wednesday by the Polish daily Rzeczpospolita. To this end, Albares and Sikorski believe that “the strong, democratic, and secure Europe we are building on the foundation of genuine European sovereignty should rest on three main pillars.” The first pillar, they assert, is economic. “We must complete the creation of the single market to increase the competitiveness of our companies, finalize the integration of capital markets, build a true European digital market, and prevent innovations created in Europe from being financed and used primarily by external entities.” Furthermore, it is necessary to “carry out the process of closing the development gap in the EU” and “deepen trade relations with third countries, while continuing to protect our industry, strengthen certain sectors, and leverage our market advantage.” The second pillar, they continue, is strengthening “a Europe of democracy and values,” because “our strength does not come solely from the size of our market or the level of development of our institutions; it comes from our commitment to democracy, political pluralism, the rule of law, and the protection of individual freedoms,” concepts that “are being increasingly threatened” by Russia’s war against Ukraine and by “polarization, disinformation, and the erosion of the rule of law.” Finally, the third pillar is security. “Both the war in Ukraine and the escalation of the conflict in the Middle East compel us to consider a more ambitious common security and defense policy, one that allows us to take security and deterrence into our own hands,” the two ministers assert. "Strength deters; weakness provokes," they warned. “Cooperation with the United States remains key, but it is true that the Americans themselves are encouraging us Europeans to take on increasing responsibility for our defense, and to grow stronger, we must develop our European capabilities in line with our NATO allies,” they continued. “It seems like a huge challenge, but there are reasons for optimism,” the two ministers asserted. “We have a great precedent with the Airbus project, which was initially at a clear disadvantage compared to the United States and today belongs to the global elite. The European defense industry could follow the same path,” they noted. “To make progress in each of these areas—economy, democracy, and security—we don’t need to wait for complete consensus among the 27 member states,” Albares and Sikorski pointed out. “We can move forward thanks to a system of ambitious projects within the framework of the enhanced cooperation mechanism, as happened with the creation of the Schengen Area or the European Public Prosecutor’s Office,” they recalled. “The most important aspect of these initiatives is their open nature, which allows other states to join them later,” they add. “We are aware of the importance of consensus in strengthening accountability for the Union’s most important initiatives, but we must learn from the situation in which a member state blocked our key decisions,” the article continues. “In this context, Europe faces a clear choice: either we act together and maintain our position as a global player capable of influencing the course of events, or we watch from the sidelines as decisions are made without our participation. The question is, who will be the world’s third power? We know what the answer should be,” the article concludes.

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