Mohamed Guma Bilazi
Writer and international analyst
Trump traveled to Alaska on Friday, August 15, with the superficial strategic objective of convincing Putin to accept a ceasefire of at least a month so he could win the Nobel Peace Prize in early October. He offered Putin a humiliating reception, a murderous dictator according to American political literature.
On the Red Carpet
Putin was greeted by B-52s circling overhead as he made his way to Trump’s armored limousine, nicknamed “The Beast.” This is an extremely unusual situation between two leaders, especially since it represents a violation of standard diplomatic and security protocols. Trump then departed, behind closed doors, to negotiate a ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine. He thought the objective was easy, similar to the agreement signed in Washington on August 8, 2025, which ended the long-running conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
But perhaps Trump didn’t realize that what happened in the South Caucasus deeply upset Russia, which saw its sphere of influence transferred to the Netanyahu/Trump administration.
This agreement appeared to be a way to leverage Moscow’s concern over Ukraine to exclude it from a crucial issue in its “backyard,” the Caucasus. Furthermore, naming the strategic corridor linking Armenia and Azerbaijan after Trump greatly infuriated Putin, as it threatens Russia’s role as a major energy and transportation hub between Asia and Europe. It is a step toward redefining the balance of power in the region at the expense of Russia and its ally, Iran.
Israel now has another backyard next to Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus, on the border with Iran. Israel has a strong historical presence in the Caucasus’ energy corridors. At least 50% of Israel’s oil arrives from Azerbaijan to the port of Ashkelon, and Israel intends to subsequently transport it to South Asia and East Africa through the port of Eilat.
This is not the only concern for Moscow regarding the Israeli presence. It knows that Zionist influence in the Caucasus region could, over time, attempt to revitalize the Khazar Empire, located in a strategic area between Eastern Europe and Central Asia, controlling trade routes between north and south, and between east and west.
Azerbaijan, Ukraine, Hungary, the Black Sea, and the Caspian Sea constituted the core of the Caucasus. Its geographical features represent the empire whose demise was declared in the 11th century AD. Its resurgence in a portion of Ukrainian territory has become a necessity, driven by the logistical security of the Greater Israel project.
This project, which Netanyahu recently discussed at the Alaska Summit and which he considered a ready-made stage for operations in the face of Trump’s blind support for Israeli extremism, is a project Moscow considers an existential geopolitical threat. Netanyahu himself comes from an Eastern European Jewish family, a mix of Ashkenazi and Khazarian, and contributed to the fall of Moscow’s Syrian ally, Bashar al-Assad, and subsequently the bombing of its most important ally, Iran. At the same time, in cooperation with Trump, he removed Armenia from Moscow’s orbit, strengthening Israeli influence in the Caucasus.
If Netanyahu is like Ukrainian President Zelensky, whom Moscow has been fighting for three years, with European support, to keep Zionist-American influence away from its borders, Moscow knows the goal is to disintegrate Russia into several small states. Zelensky, an Ashkenazi Jew whose origins also date back to the Khazars, is simply a pawn working to demographically deplete Ukraine after the war, which claimed tens of thousands of lives and caused numerous Ukrainians to emigrate. This would facilitate the establishment of any future geographic entity working to revive the Khazarian trade corridor as part of the project to partition Ukraine.
Putin traveled to Alaska with the backdrop of the previous events in mind and the image etched in his mind of Trump celebrating, on July 27, Russia’s expulsion from the European energy market by forcing Europe to buy $750 billion worth of energy from the United States.
He decided to give Trump a lesson in political manipulation that the American president would never forget, shuffling the cards in favor of breaking Moscow’s isolation and lifting the blockade.
In fact, he managed to strip Trump of the narcissism with which he had insulted his previous guests, forcing him to respect him through a diplomatic protocol characterized by unprecedented hospitality. This hospitality generated a wave of attacks on Trump from the American media, criticizing him for being too obsequious with the United States’ strategic enemy.
Putin then proceeded to the second move on the Alaska chessboard: denying Trump his main objective for the summit: a ceasefire.
The first surprise came with the slogan “No concessions.” This message was conveyed by veteran Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov upon his arrival in Alaska, wearing a jacket with the name of the Soviet Union. What did he mean by that? Ukraine was simply a Russian state before the Soviet Union; it never existed, and we are here to confirm it.
The second surprise came from Putin himself, when he assured Trump that he was in no position to call for a ceasefire. He was in a better position on the Ukrainian stage during the 2023 Istanbul negotiations, but he did not respond to the ceasefire.
The only solution is to convince Zelensky and Europe to cede at least 30% of Ukraine’s territory to Russia, ensure that Ukraine does not join NATO, and avoid further manipulation of his homeland, Russia.
Trump is feeling tense and anxious. His Nobel Peace Prize nomination is faltering, and he has no way to respond to Putin. He must convince Europe and Zelensky to accept Putin’s offer: not a ceasefire, but a comprehensive peace deal on Russian terms.
But will Europe repeat its mistake and offer at least 135,000 kilometers of Ukrainian territory to Putin in exchange for a completely uncertain peace, just as it did with Hitler in the 1938 Munich Agreement, when Chamberlain and Daladier agreed to hand Hitler the Sudetenland, part of Czechoslovakia, in exchange for peace and the prevention of a major war? Despite this, peace was not achieved; Hitler invaded Poland, and World War II broke out. In any case, Friday was not a lucky day for Trump in Alaska.
According to US media outlets close to him, Fox News correspondent Gjaki Heinrich described the scene: “The atmosphere in the room wasn’t good. Things didn’t seem to be going well.” Putin appeared to enter forcefully, joined the conversation, took pictures with the president, and then left. CNN similarly confirmed that Trump left in a huff.
Trump’s body language reflected his nervousness, and when he spoke after meeting with Putin, he left the ball in Ukraine and Europe’s hands, announcing that he would summon Zelensky to a meeting in the United States the following Monday. Perhaps Putin’s unspoken objective in this meeting was to blame Zelensky for the failure of the negotiations with Putin.
Trump’s rhetoric suggests that if the United States has a $37 trillion debt, it is in no position to continue financing Ukraine militarily or even provide security guarantees.
Therefore, it can be said that Putin emerged victorious from Alaska thanks to his reading of the situation. He turned Trump into a mere ambassador, persuading Europe and Ukraine to surrender to Moscow, a major tactical success.
In this context, he also managed to break Russia’s isolation and strip the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrant of its executive power. He arrived in the United States and departed under the protection of the US Air Force. Most importantly, he avoided further sanctions against his country.
This deepened Trump’s internal wounds, who was the target of a vicious media attack after politically promoting Putin on the international stage and strengthening his image in Russia. In return, Putin made no concessions, leaving Trump alone to face the storms of anger within the United States, NATO, and Europe.