Orhan Murtezani
Minister for European Affairs of North Macedonia
Text: Xabi González / Photos: Juan David Latorre
North Macedonia has been following a very complex path toward European integration, while also addressing a challenging regional and global context, which is not an easy agenda. The Diplomat spoke with Orhan Murtezani, Minister of European Affairs of the North Macedonian Government, to explore his key priorities. Not only that, but also his goals for the coming years.
.- North Macedonia officially began accession negotiations with the EU in 2022. How do you see your country today in terms of alignment with the EU?
In July 2022, it was recommended to start negotiations and hold the first IGC. But unfortunately, due to the Bulgarian veto, we were unable to officially begin formal negotiations. Therefore, from then until now, we have had difficulty initiating the foundations of the first group.
Overall, North Macedonia is an example of perseverance in achieving the European dream, as we obtained candidate status in 2025. Sorry, we’re already in 2025. So, we’ve been waiting for over 20 years for the resolution of some bilateral issues not directly related to the accession process, but some member countries, unfortunately, bilateralize the entire process.
During this period, I believe we have led the harmonization or adoption of the European AKI among the Western Balkan candidate countries. Overall, we are between 45% and 50%. If we compare our country’s readiness with, for example, Montenegro, which is currently in the phase of closing chapters and groups, the difference is minimal.
This means we could have started the negotiation process about 10 years ago. However, the unilateral Bulgarian position became the EU’s joint common position in July, following the decision of the Council of the European Union. So now we are at the stage where we must implement a request: to include the Bulgarian minority in North Macedonia in the preamble of our constitution, since our constitution states that North Macedonia is a state of Macedonians, part of the Albanian nation, part of the Turkish nation, etc.
They insist on including Bulgarians. For us, this is not a big problem, as we also want to include Montenegrins and Croats, but we are certain that this is not Bulgaria’s last bilateral request. We cannot push the process forward by continuing negotiations with Brussels and, on the other hand, parallel negotiations with Sofia.
Therefore, we want to clearly see the end, because we are waiting too long. When this process is concluded, we will be able to quickly amend the constitution and move forward, because that will generate greater enthusiasm in our society, and we will be able to quickly open groups and chapters, and close them very quickly.
.- In addition to the path to EU membership, what are the main structural and social challenges that North Macedonia must address in the short and medium term to consolidate social stability, not only within the EU context?
Let me briefly refer to the growth plan, adopted by the European Commission in 2023 and now beginning to be implemented. Part of this growth plan is the so-called reform agenda, which allows us to access €750 million.
It is organized into five pillars, one of which is the rule of law. This reform agenda, or growth plan, is aligned with the assessment reports, the negotiation framework, and all other strategic documents. Therefore, in my opinion, the pillar that requires the most effort and attention is the rule of law. Why? It’s not that we are performing poorly as a country. We are average for the region, but for two reasons.
First, because there is no room for compromise with any EU member on the rule of law. Secondly, the proper implementation of the rule of law will not only boost our economy and our potential, but will also dramatically improve our democratic health. This, let’s say, will allow us to keep our citizens in the country, since, as I mentioned earlier, due to excessive waiting, our citizens prefer to leave. And for a country with two million inhabitants, if we don’t stop the process of leaving the country, we could end up, for example, with a current population of only one and a half million people living in North Macedonia.
Therefore, in my opinion, the greatest challenges, but also the benefits, lie in the pillar of the rule of law. And we, as a new government, and in general as a state, are very willing to continue and implement what is necessary. Because everything thatAnything that brings us closer to the European Union, to European values, will be accepted by our society.
.- How are you going to address the brain drain you’re experiencing? Because it’s not just about people leaving the country or abandoning it for work reasons, but also about educated people and good academic backgrounds in North Macedonia leaving the country.
There are two different migrations: one until the 1990s and one after. Before the year 2000, let’s say, everyone went abroad for purely economic reasons. After the year 2000, people began to lose hope. The European dream keeps alive our hope that our state will be more functional, that our properties and families will be secure, that we will have a good education and good health. Therefore, European integration is not only strategic in terms of EU membership, accession to the EU single market, and so on. It is also strategic because it helps us to maintain hope that, as a potential member in the future, we will also have the same standards as other EU members. This, in my opinion, will drastically reduce immigration, especially among the younger population.
.- In recent years, there have been concerns about political polarization and public trust in institutions, not only due to non-EU membership but also due to the difficult regional context. How is the government working to strengthen democratic standards and the rule of law?
The government was formed 11 months ago. In my opinion, it’s too early, because each new government needs about a year to lay the groundwork, draw up plans, avoid the necessary budgets, etc.
Therefore, at this time, I can’t show you statistics that demonstrate what we’ve been doing so far, but I can tell you what our objective is. For example, one of the three pillars or one of the three key priorities of the government is European integration. The second is the rule of law and the fight against crime. And the third is economic development. What we have been preparing so far is, first, the most necessary legislative framework, avoiding budgets, forming teams to work in various areas, and, especially, working on attracting foreign direct investment.
As a country, we have very good conditions for companies to come and invest in North Macedonia. New investments are being received, and more are on the horizon. Therefore, I believe the groundwork is already in place, the preparations are almost complete, and by the end of the year, we will be able to count on statistics that demonstrate what we, let’s say, intended to do.
We have many companies, for example, from the United States, Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium, that come to produce for automotive companies abroad. Therefore, they use North Macedonia solely as a production and export center.
.- What is the current state of your bilateral relations with Greece and Bulgaria? And especially after the resolution of the name issue and the subsequent tensions with Sofia.
Good neighborly relations are, let’s say, the first precondition for advancing toward or becoming a full member of the European Union. With Greece, we don’t have any bilateral problems at the moment. Of course, we have some issues we discuss as neighbors, as everyone does, but we don’t have any problems. I had the opportunity to make an official visit to Athens, meet with Greek officials, and develop some plans. They are very supportive of our accession process.
But with Bulgaria, it’s a little different because frustration among our citizens is very high, especially among the Macedonian ethnic group, because Bulgarian officials—and not just historians, but officials as well—say that the Macedonian language is a dialect of Bulgarian, that they are not Macedonians, but Bulgarians. This creates enormous frustration among our citizens.
But, in my opinion, we have many potential areas of cooperation as neighbors, starting with transportation, the environment, finance, and some trade issues, so there is a lot of potential for cooperation. We have clearly stated that we are willing to engage in dialogue, but because of these frustrations, it would be good if this dialogue were officially mediated by Brussels or, for example, by members of the European Union.
.- Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the EU has placed renewed emphasis on security and enlargement. How has the war affected your country’s foreign and security policy?
Something needs to be clarified. We may not be on Russia’s border. Of course, we can’t compare it to the situation in Ukraine, but the Russian threat is felt in all the Balkan countries, especially those that are not members of the EU. Fortunately, we are members of NATO, so it can’t be said there are significant risks of rapid destabilization.
But we have seen before that the situation can escalate very quickly and cause problems. As a country, we have supported Ukraine a lot, with military, logistical, equipment, humanitarian aid, etc., and we will continue to do so. This is not just out of solidarity, but because we believe their cause is our common cause and that they have the right to build their own state. In that sense, yes. Furthermore, as a country, we are fully aligned with the European Union’s CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy).
We only have one request, let’s say, and that is that, when discussing enlargement, EU members should focus not only on Ukraine, but on all the Western Balkan countries. We hope that, in a single round, the enlargement process will be concluded with all the Balkan countries, as this would acquire additional strategic importance for the process.
.- Does North Macedonia fear that external actors could exploit the challenges in the region to undermine the EU’s influence in the Western Balkans? I’m referring to countries like Russia, China, etc.
To be honest, I would say there is some potential risk. But given the determination of the candidate countries, I don’t think any of us would leave room for such a thing. Because all the candidate countries have clearly stated that their most strategic and important goal is to join the European Union. And we know the European Union’s position vis-à-vis Russia.
Finally, what is your relationship with the Spanish government?
First of all, both countries maintain excellent bilateral relations. We are very grateful for the support Spain showed during the tragic Cochrane fire, where more than 60 people lost their lives. Spain received seven patients with serious injuries.
We are also very grateful for the rapid ratification process of the NATO accession protocol during COVID times. Although these were truly difficult circumstances, Spain’s determination was to complete that process as soon as possible. We maintain good trade relations, and there is great potential to strengthen them.
Regarding European integration, we have a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs for cooperation in the accession process. Last Thursday, I met with the Secretary of State for the European Union at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Fernando Sampedro, and also visited the various institutions that manage European funds and public administration reforms. We discussed many potential issues that could require technical assistance, a change of experts, or special training and support.
And I have received great support from all my Spanish colleagues. We will very soon formally present a list of possible areas and topics in which we will need support, and I have no doubt that we will receive the broadest possible support, since, in my opinion, Spain is one of the key players and leaders in the European Union, and having its support gives us a great boost to achieve our strategic objective as soon as possible.
