The fundamentalist Taliban group, which returned to power in 2021 with the withdrawal of US and NATO troops from Afghanistan, has reverted to a strict interpretation of Islamic law, with outrages such as a ban on education for women and girls.
Pedro Fernaud / Escudo Digital
What do we really know about Afghanistan? Unfortunately, some of its main qualities, such as the hospitality of its people, the value of its oral tradition, epitomised by the work of a poet of the stature of Rumi, or the richness of its ethnic and cultural diversity, have been overshadowed over the past 23 years by the (bad) reputation of the Taliban, so that Afghanistan has been associated mainly with that Islamist group because of its central role in the events following the attack of 11 September 2001.
After the attacks on the Twin Towers, perpetrated by Al Qaeda, the Taliban government in Afghanistan refused to hand over Osama bin Laden, which triggered the US-led invasion and the fall of the regime. Over the next few years, although the Taliban were removed from power, they continued an insurgency that prolonged the conflict and instability in the country. Over two decades of war, they managed to reorganise, and in 2021, after the withdrawal of US and NATO troops, they regained control.
A different country
Their return has meant the suppression of an essential part of the rights of women and girls. What was once a country making changes in its public life that indicated a path towards gender equality, with women participating in political and social life, has been plunged into a regime of outright oppression. Under a rigid interpretation of Islamic law, women have been erased from almost all public spheres, to the extent that they have been deprived of access to education, work and the right to move freely. Today, more than 80% of Afghan school-age girls have been excluded from the education system, according to UN data. According to Sima Bahous, Executive Director of UN Women, ‘decades of progress in gender equality and women’s rights disappeared in a few months’.
The restrictions imposed by the Taliban not only affect education, but have also paralysed women’s economic participation. Since December 2022, they have been banned from working for non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and most recently, even beauty salons – a crucial source of income for Afghan women – have been closed. This exclusion has pushed many women into extreme poverty and dependency, while the country faces an economic crisis that could cost it more than 9.6 billion dollars due to women’s lack of education, according to United Nations (UN) estimates.
In addition to structural and economic violence, testimonies from Afghan women reveal cases of systematic abuse, including torture and sexual assault as a method of repression. Allegations of physical and psychological torture, rape and forced marriages are common, and fear and hopelessness are now part of daily life. Under the regime, Afghanistan has become one of the countries with the highest rates of gender-based violence, with no access to justice or legal protection for women.
Keys to the scaffolding of power
After three years of control, the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, led by Haibatullah Akhundzada, remains in power and has consolidated its authority by creating parallel institutions and privileging the Pashtun Taliban in the south, leading to an exclusionary policy. Although the Afghan economy is stagnating and poverty is rampant, the regime does not seem close to collapse according to reports from institutions such as the UN and various international media. Not surprisingly, Afghanistan is living in moderate economic stability. The international community maintains low-profile relations with the regime, with neighbouring countries such as Pakistan, China and Russia playing an important role, despite human rights violations and the repression of women. The point is that the Taliban regime has intensified its diplomatic and economic engagement with these countries, albeit with limited results in terms of investment.
How is the Taliban regime articulating the economic system? One fact provides an illustrative framework for this reality: the Taliban government has banned opium cultivation. This was a measure imposed by the Taliban in April 2022, which resulted in most farmers abandoning poppy cultivation and, as a result, their income fell in one year from $1.36 billion to $110 million, or 92% less, according to the UN. In other words, the government has greatly reduced opium cultivation, which has negatively affected the economy, but at the same time these religious extremists have created an economic clientelistic system that primarily benefits their leaders. Since coming to power, the Taliban have increased tax collection. ‘The Taliban have achieved extensive military control over the entire territory of Afghanistan, something that no other group had achieved for decades, and this has allowed them to collect more,’ explains Graeme Smith, a Canadian researcher and former UN political affairs officer in Afghanistan and consultant for the International Crisis Group, to the BBC. So much so that the government collected more than $1.5 billion in taxes between December 2021 and October 2022, according to the World Bank, more than the same period in the previous two years.
Resurgence of Al Qaeda and ISIS-K
Counterterrorism remains a priority for the region, with the US focused on protecting its interests after withdrawing its troops three years ago. Although they maintain cooperation in counterterrorism, their efforts do not appear to be achieving the desired results. According to CBS, the Taliban have consolidated their control, allowing Al Qaeda and ISIS-K to re-emerge. On their third anniversary in power, the Taliban paraded abandoned military equipment and terrorist groups have re-established their operations, posing a growing threat to the region.
On the security front, although the Taliban have managed to maintain relative control through checkpoints and a large force of fighters, the situation remains dangerous for women and minorities. Attacks by the Islamic State group, especially in Shia-majority areas, continue to cause civilian casualties. Weeda Mehran, Professor of International Relations at the University of Exeter, criticises the security narrative promoted by the Taliban: ‘My argument would be, well, what security are we talking about? A question that reflects the tensions between the image that the Taliban tries to project and the reality that many Afghans face on a daily basis.
Why are the measures being developed by the regime so extremist? The key is that Haibatullah maintains control through a praetorian guard of loyal commanders, while the more pragmatic leaders, who advocate greater moderation and openness towards the West, have been marginalised.
Women marginalised from public life
What actions measure the serious deterioration of women’s rights in Taliban-ruled Afghanistan? In the last three years, the Taliban have imposed severe restrictions on women and girls, prohibiting them from working, studying beyond the sixth grade and participating in cultural or sporting activities. They have also closed down businesses owned by women and restricted their movements, requiring them to cover themselves and rely on a male escort to access essential services. Amnesty International warns that these policies could constitute crimes against humanity for gender-based persecution.
Repression in Afghanistan has not been limited to women. The Taliban authorities’ catalogue of horrors includes serious attacks on freedom of expression, which has been severely curtailed, as reflected in the fact that journalists, activists and human rights defenders have suffered arbitrary arrests, torture and enforced disappearances. In addition, the Taliban have carried out extrajudicial killings, especially against political opponents and former officials of the previous government. It is a regime of terror in which violence and impunity have prevailed, in a way that has greatly affected ethnic and religious minorities, such as the Hazaras (a predominantly Shiite ethnic and religious minority), who faced discrimination, forced displacement and violent attacks.
The case of Laila Basim
Following the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan, Laila Basim, a 30-year-old economist, lost her job in the Ministry of Economy along with many other women. Laila witnessed atrocities, such as the murder of a neighbour who refused a forced marriage. She joined the Spontaneous Movement of Women Protesters and, during a protest in 2022, was beaten by the Taliban, causing her to lose her pregnancy. Despite the violence, she continues to fight and helped set up a women’s library in Kabul, which was closed down. Although she is persecuted, Laila remains firm in her struggle, and says that to live under Taliban laws is ‘to suffer a slow death’, as she told the daily El País.
Where does the future lie for women like Laila? Despite this oppressive environment and the erasure of decades of progress in gender equality, Afghan women continue to demonstrate remarkable resilience. So much so that they are forming new civil society groups, reopening businesses and continuing to fight for their rights, in an act of unseen bravery that reflects their determination not to give up in the face of adversity.
Harassment of LGBTI people
The humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan has worsened due to natural disasters, international isolation and economic sanctions, collapsing the health system and leaving millions of Afghans at risk of malnutrition and disease. The mass expulsion of refugees by countries such as Pakistan and Iran has further aggravated the situation, leaving many without access to basic services. Meanwhile, persecution against the LGBTI community remains extreme, with the death penalty for consensual same-sex relations. The international community has been widely criticised for its inaction, including the International Criminal Court. Not surprisingly, impunity was the norm, and access to justice was severely restricted under the Taliban interpretation of Sharia law, which has replaced much of the previous legal framework. Roza Otunbayeva, Special Representative of the UN Secretary General, describes these restrictions as ‘intolerable’ and says they represent ‘a grim vision for the future of Afghanistan’.
The international community’s position
Pilar Rangel analysed for Escudo Digital the dilemma faced by the international community regarding the recognition of the Taliban government after its participation in the Moscow Summit. Despite being considered a terrorist group, countries such as Russia justify maintaining relations with the Taliban in order to stabilise Afghanistan and counter threats such as Daesh, although their global recognition continues to be questioned. Rangel highlights the strategic alliances of countries such as China and Iran, which seek to take advantage of Afghanistan’s natural resources, while powers such as the US have established channels of communication without granting legitimacy. Rangel also warns of the extent to which such lukewarm moves by these nations with the Taliban could have an impact: ‘It should be remembered that in international law for there to be international recognition of a government by the international community, the simple establishment of commercial or consular relations would be a tacit form of de facto recognition, so be very careful about what the different countries do and what the Taliban government could invoke to legitimise itself as an internationally recognised government, and could even request its incorporation into the United Nations, which, if this were to happen, would also be a case of international recognition of the Taliban government’.
Another derivative to be taken into account is the situation of the tens of thousands of refugees. Qazizada, a former prosecutor now trapped in a humanitarian camp in Abu Dhabi, describes the situation many of these exiles are living in as ‘a modern prison’, and mentions that ‘almost all of us are taking anti-depressants’.
Against this bleak backdrop, it would be desirable if the international community could push for tangible improvements in women’s rights, press freedom and the Afghan economy; key strategies could include a stronger and more coordinated approach to diplomatic and economic pressure. For example, targeted sanctions against Taliban leaders responsible for human rights violations could be maintained, while securing humanitarian channels to ensure international aid for civilians. To support women, distance and online education initiatives could be encouraged to circumvent Taliban prohibitions on female education. On the economic front, Afghan entrepreneurs, especially women, could be assisted through international funds and micro-credit programmes, facilitating access to external markets. And how can freedom of the press be strengthened in the face of such a tyrannical regime? It could be encouraged by protecting and supporting independent Afghan media from abroad, which can continue to report and document the situation without risk of immediate reprisals. Such actions could help alleviate the devastating effects of three years of Taliban rule and offer a more hopeful horizon for Afghanistan.
Pedro Fernaud
Journalist and Professor
He has worked for twenty-five years in various journalistic media: radio, written press and online media, and for more than 10 years in the field of teaching.
Graduate in Journalism from the Complutense University and in Integral Communication from the Francisco de Vitoria University and Master’s Degree in Teacher Training, in its Social Sciences branch, at the Rey Juan Carlos I University.
Specialities: Writer, poet, expert in the social impact of new technologies and international relations, as well as cultural and sports issues; children’s storyteller, creative, social account manager, community manager, stylistic corrector, grammar checker, spelling checker and copy writer.
